Download PDF by Mark E. Kann: A Republic of Men: The American Founders, Gendered Language,

By Mark E. Kann

ISBN-10: 0814747132

ISBN-13: 9780814747131

What function did manhood play in early American Politics? In A Republic of Men, Mark E. Kann argues that the yankee founders aspired to create a "republic of fellows" yet feared that "disorderly males" threatened its beginning, healthiness, and toughness. Kann demonstrates how hegemonic norms of manhood–exemplified by way of "the relations Man," for instance--were deployed as a method of stigmatizing unworthy males, lucrative in charge males with citizenship, and empowering unheard of males with positions of management and authority, whereas aside from girls from public life.

Kann means that the founders dedicated themselves in thought to the democratic proposition that each one males have been created loose and equivalent and will now not be ruled with no their very own consent, yet that they on no account believed that "all males" might be depended on with equivalent liberty, equivalent citizenship, or equivalent authority. The founders built a "grammar of manhood" to handle a few tough questions on public order. have been America's disorderly males certified for citizenship? have been they prone to realize manly leaders, consent to their authority, and defer to their knowledge? A Republic of Men compellingly analyzes the ways that the founders used a rhetoric of manhood to stabilize American politics.

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45 A disorderly female subdued passion and achieved womanhood by way of marriage, submission to a husband, and motherhood. A disorderly male subdued passion and achieved manhood by way of marriage, family responsibility, and fatherhood. America’s ideal couple produced order and procreated the future. But men claimed superior procreative powers: they sired children, women only carried them. ” Men also procreated culture, society, and the nation. ”46 In early Amer-  | The Culture of Manhood ica’s male fantasies, female disorders and procreative powers were inferior; in early America’s patriarchal politics, disorderly men were the primary problem, procreative men the primary problem solvers.

He complemented his pastoral idyll with a contrasting image of American males cast out of paradise. His list of fallen men included unsettled, dependent Americans such as urban laborers, immigrants, itinerants, strangers, emancipated slaves, and nomadic Indians who survived by hunting. None of these men practiced the “agricultural and domestic arts” that fostered “improvement of the mind and morals”; none invested themselves in a particular piece of land or a settled community; none were stable men of character.

Leaders such as Washington, Adams, and Jefferson broadcast this belief each time they announced their yearning to exit the public stage and retire, respectively, to Mount Vernon, Braintree, and Monticello. Certainly, these declarations were politically expedient. It was wise for ambitious men to protest public service as a sacrifice of their personal desire for a simple agrarian life. Garry Wills suggests that Washington’s repeated pleas to forgo high office for farming constituted a major factor in his immense popularity.

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A Republic of Men: The American Founders, Gendered Language, and Patriarchal Politics by Mark E. Kann

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